Voting in America Needs Help

Another election day has passed.   Democrats have taken control of the US House of Representatives, while Republicans have strengthened their hold on the US Senate.  This likely means continuing gridlock in Washington, but the size of the turnout indicates more Americans are paying attention and are willing to seek change at the polls.  Issues concerning legitimacy and fairness in our election processes, however, remain unanswered and must be addressed because they endanger our democracy.

Since the US Constitution grants individual states significant authority in determining how and by whom  public officials at all levels of government might be chosen, we do not have a unified election system, but 51 different essentially autonomous systems.  This worked reasonable well in the early days of the republic, but as the nation’s borders expanded and as our population has become more mobile, the wisdom of a purely state-based system has become more and more problematic. Several issues require action.

First is the matter of gerrymandering electoral districts for representation in both the US Congress and in the individual state legislatures. Not a new problem, but one that has been exacerbated by new technological and polling tools allowing collection of massive voting data which enables precise partisan gerrymandering.   

North Carolina and South Carolina reflect this new phenomenon.  In the former the overall congressional vote in 2018 was nearly equal, but the GOP won ten of NC’s thirteen seats, a 77 percent edge.  A Democrat pulled off an upset in the SC congressional district that includes Charleston, in part because the Republican candidate favors off-shore oil drilling, an anathema to coastal residents.  Still, with 55 percent of the overall congressional vote, the GOP won five of SC’s seven seats, a 71 percent advantage.  Representation in the two state legislatures is similarly distorted by partisan manipulation.

Second, the 2013 decision of the US Supreme Court in Shelby County v. Holder eviscerated the 1965 Voting Rights Act that required states with records of discriminating against minorities to obtain from the US Department of Justice “preclearance” for any changes in election laws or procedures before implementation.  Almost immediately the covered states, and some others, initiated a wide ranging set of laws and procedures designed to suppress voter participation. 

On the surface some changes appear reasonable.

The archaic voter registration process needs reform.  Communication among the states is lacking which results in some voters being registered in more than one state.  But there is little evidence voters have taken advantage of this situation; certainly, not sufficient to justify the purging of millions of voters from registration lists that has happened since 2013. In Georgia alone, 1.5 million voters were stricken from the voter lists.   

At the same time the US Census Bureau estimates there are 245.5 million Americans ages 18 and older, but fewer than 160 million are registered to vote.  Maybe registration reform needs a different focus.

Requiring a form of photo ID has some merit, but not everyone drives a car and can take advantage of the Motor Voter Act, nor has every state implemented that law aggressively.  Furthermore, there is not uniformity as to acceptable photo IDs.  Many exceptions obviously reflect a bias against certain groups such as minorities, students, the elderly and the poor which cannot be justified.

Finally, the act of voting itself needs improvement.  There is no uniformity among the states regarding ballot design, early voting, absentee voting, mail or online voting, much less the type of electronic voting machinery used.  Given the national focus of elections today, the lack of common standards and schedules contributes to voter confusion and discouragement, which in some states may be the intent.

Stories of Russian meddling in the 2016 presidential contest raised public awareness of vulnerabilities in electronic voting equipment.  Possibilities for hacking exist at several points in the election processes and not just by foreign entities.  Although South Carolina does not use machines that provide a paper trail and allow for postelection audits, most states do.  However, few states conduct regular audits and the chaos in Florida and Georgia this year confirms the lack of attention to voter tabulation.

Americans cannot tolerate continued incoherence in our election processes.  We cannot ignore threats to legitimacy and fairness until the next election cycle.  Nor can we reasonably expect the individual states to craft a more harmonious and equitable system, but the US Constitution recognizes that reality.  Article IV, Section 4 of the US Constitution guarantees every state a “Republican Form of Government.”  Whether or not you define “republican” as “democratic,” it still means “representative.” Also, the 14^th Amendment indicates if the right to vote is denied, “or in any way abridged,” the representation of that state shall be reduced proportionately. 

The authority for reform is there.  Congress must find the will to act, or our democracy will remain endangered.

Our Rights Carry Responsibilities

The headlines continue to occur with sickening frequency.

            “Florence shooter struck 7 officers, killing 1, as they attempted to serve search warrant”

                        (Greenville News headline, October 3, 2018)

“Charlotte buys bulletproof vests to protect firefighters”

                        (Charlotte Observer headline, July 27, 2018)

            “York Co. detective dies at hospital following Tuesday’s shootout.”

                        (WCNC, January 18, 2018)

These headlines confirm that gun violence in the United States is not a distant threat.  It may not be right outside your door, but it is getting close and closer.

We have grown accustom to the sad stories.  Fifty-eight gunned down in Las Vegas.  Seventeen slain in Parkland, Florida.  All are followed by calls for prayers and condolences, but little real action occurs to enhance gun safety. 

Following the Parkland shooting, the Florida legislature did ban bump stocks, which ironically were used in the Las Vegas shooting not at Parkland, and it raised the age for purchasing a rifle to 21.  The age restriction has produced a court challenge from the National Rifle Association.

Given the constant spate of mindless gun violence, common sense would assume that government at all levels in the US would be mobilized to address the challenge. In fact, the opposite is occurring. 

Ten states have passed legislation allowing school districts to arm teachers and other staff members, including Texas where in May a shooting at Santa Fe High School left ten people dead.  School “resource officers,” frequently a euphemism for “armed guard,” are being increased in many states, although some, like South and North Carolina, are hesitating because of the cost. Some people are bothered by the idea of having more guns in schools.  

Many states have also liberalized laws related to carrying firearms in public.  At the federal level the US House passed legislation requiring all states to accept concealed carry permits from any other state regardless of how lax the latter’s requirements for such permits. So far, the US Senate has refused to go along.

No attempt is being made to address the fundamental problem---the excessive number of firearms available to the public in the United States without any idea of who has them, how lethal they might be, or under what conditions they are being secured.  And the problem will likely intensify in the future. US weapons manufacturers produced less than 3 million firearms in 2001, but in 2016 they produced 11.5 million.

The National Rifle Association and its gun industry patrons have convinced our political elites that “the right of the people to keep and bear Arms,” granted in the Second Amendment to the US Constitution prohibits imposing reasonable restraints on who has access to firearms or what firearms will be accessible to the public.  That is an extraordinary interpretation of a “right.”

In any rational political system, but especially in a democracy, a “right” carries with it the responsibility to see that your “right” does not impinge upon other rights within the community.  Your freedom of speech for example does not allow you to slander your neighbor, nor does freedom of the press allow your local newspaper to libel you.   

Does your right to bear arms not include the responsibility to insure that the firearms you possess will not fall into the hands of someone who might use them to harm others or maybe him or herself?  Does your right to bear arms, approved in 1791, not include the responsibility to restrict some particularly lethal firearms from being available to the general public.

Does your right to own firearms without any restrictions outweigh the right of youngsters to a safe educational environment or the right of your fellow citizens to attend a movie, a concert, or a sporting event without fear?

There are legitimate reasons for individuals to have firearms.  Hunting and sports shooting are both established elements in American culture, but neither would be burdened by background checks or registration nor do they require automatic weapons.  Although statistics question the effectiveness and wisdom of having a firearm in the home, it is an understandable desire that could be accommodated and made safer with a few weapons modifications.

Uncontrollable access to firearms makes no sense in a civilized community. There is a proven correlation between the number of firearms circulating in a country and that country’s rate of gun-related deaths and injuries.

Civilian gun owners in the US possess 40 percent of the approximately 857 million firearms in the hands of civilians worldwide, more than one for every American no matter his or her age. In 2016 the US rate for violent gun deaths was 3.85 per 100,000 people, by no means the highest among all countries---think El Salvador and Honduras. The US ranks well above countries of similar socioeconomic status.  Canada for example had a gun death rate of 0.48 in 2016.

People cannot be secure in a society where no one is capable of controlling the use of violence within that society.  How are laws enforced?  How are norms for reasonable behavior established and maintained?  How do people live without fear if there are no restraints on access to or use of instruments of lethal violence? How does democracy survive?

"Anonymous" Is Not a Trust Builder

Our news media today, whether print, broadcast or social, seems to thrive on “anonymous” sources. While this may be necessary in some cases, the recent spate of articles, news reports, even books, based on unidentified sources have not been helpful.  

Even during my few years as a professional journalist, I always have been a bit skeptical of information from individuals who insisted on anonymity.  Still, as a realist about how the world works, I understand the need to resort on occasion to secret informants. But habitual employment of anonymous sources does not build trust, and the American media is already suffering a significant loss of trust among the public.

A recent poll by Gallup reveals the scale of this loss.  In answer to the question about their level of confidence in a list of institutions in American society, 40 percent of respondents indicated very little or no confidence in newspapers and 45 percent said the same of television news.  The only institutions that received comparable negative rating were the Presidency (44 percent) and Congress (48 percent).  Maybe there is some correlation.  

Providing accurate information in a timely fashion has always been the first mission of a free press in a democratic society. How well the free press does its job impacts significantly the trust enjoyed by other key institutions that are dependent upon reliable and relevant information produced by a free press.

In the modern media world of talk radio, cable news and the Internet, however, being first with a story seems often to override considerations of accuracy and relevancy. This circumstance may have played into the decision of the New York Times to run the recent op-ed essay by “Anonymous.” 

Perhaps not a wise determination.

There should be good reasons for wanting to protect the confidentiality of a source. Is the source providing information or insight not accessible by any other means? Could the revelations by the source open the door to corroborative information? What are the motives of the source? Does the source likely face significant retribution?  Could the source be seeking revenge for some slight? Is the information a diversion in order to mislead or distract?

Although the New York Times asserted that publishing the essay anonymously was “the only way to deliver an important perspective to our readers,” it is not clear what that “perspective” might be. The author, “a senior official in the Trump administration,” makes special note of Donald Trump’s “amorality,” and assures readers that the president’s “worse inclinations” are being restrained by senior officials in the Trump administration.  We have read and heard such comments frequently over the last year and half. The essay does not contain any new information or insights regarding these conditions.

It is obvious that “anonymous” approves of the policies Trump advocates and wants his administration to succeed---“many of its policies have already made America safer and more prosperous.” He (or She) labels “effective deregulation, historic tax reform and a more robust military…as “bright spots.”

While critical of Trump’s erratic leadership approach, “anonymous” wants to assure the American public “there are adults in the room.” At the same time the author takes the news media to task for casting these “unsung heroes in and around the White House” as “villains.”

After declaring the existence of “a two-track presidency,” the essay describes the dysfunctional nature of current US foreign relations, and refers to “whispers within the cabinet of invoking the 25^th Amendment.”  Again, there is no new information or insight.  Apparently, the public should feel comfortable relying upon unidentified senior officials who are actively conspiring to undermine the administration, although not openly.

An anonymous essay by a senior official in any administration carries significant hazards for the author.  One by a senior official in an administration known for its dysfunction and headed by a president known for vengeful retribution seems extraordinarily perilous.  Does the message from “Anonymous” identify goals that might warrant the apparent risks?

This “senior official” could be simply suffering from a slightly guilty conscience or wanting to justify staying on board an administration stumbling towards disaster.

There is a possibility that the essay was designed to mislead or distract.  Some comments that stirred the president’s ire: “thwarting Mr. Trump’s more misguided impluses” and “insulating…operations from his whims…;” surely were not crafted to allay Trump’s paranoia. Neither was the special reference to Senator John McCain, who Trump considered a great antagonist.

In fact, after the essay appeared, a number of Trump’s senior staff rushed to reconfirm their support of his agenda and leadership style. It would be ironic if the decision of the New York Times to publish the “Anonymous” essay enabled Trump to elicit a reaffirmation of support from his senior staff at the critical midpoint of his term of office.

Selfishness Is A Dangerous Vice

Selfishness has always been a prominent, albeit unattractive, human characteristic.

The French political theorist Alexander de Tocqueville, whose seminal 19^th century work Democracy in America is still widely read, wrote extensively about selfishness:

“No vice of all the human heart is so acceptable to it as selfishnesss: a despot easily forgives his subjects for not loving him, provided they do not love each other.  He does not ask them to assist him in governing the state; it is enough that they do to aspire to govern it themselves.

In Tocqueville’s view, however, Americans had overcome the evil of selfishness through its free governmental institutions, especially at the local level where citizens came to recognize the necessity and benefits of working together.  One wonders what he might conclude in today’s atmosphere of hyper partisanship, for in the 21^st century selfishness has expanded its reach and depth and threatens America’s democracy.

Synonymous with greed, one of the original seven deadly sins, selfishness is usually thought of in relation to concrete or tangible things such as money or property.  However, it is manifest in other realms as well, generally where access to wealth may be an enabling factor such as the desire for power and control in politics, economics and social status.  Racism and xenophobia, or disrespect for those who are poor and do not enjoy the privileges of class or profession are also manifestations of selfishness.  

The Powell Memorandum has been a major contributor to the ratcheting up of selfishness in American society.  Entitled “Attack on American Free Enterprise System,” the memorandum was drafted for the US Chamber of Commerce in August 1971, by Lewis J. Powell, at the time a Virginia corporate attorney.  Still accessible on the Internet, it was a call to arms for the nation’s business sector. 

Powell, who a few months later was nominated to the US Supreme Court by Richard Nixon, argued for strong and broad measures to counter the influence of virtually every other sector with an interest in the country’s economic life---unions, consumer groups, college campuses, pulpits, the media, intellectual and literary journals, the arts and sciences and politicians. His proposed counterattack was swift and sweeping.

By 1978, the number of corporations with public affairs offices in Washington had grown from 100 in 1968 to over 500.  Only 175 firms had registered lobbyists in Washington in 1971, but by 1982, nearly 2,500 did.  Today, there are approximately 12,000 “registered” lobbyists in Washington, DC.  Of the 100 organizations that spend the most on lobbying, 95 consistently represent business according to a 2015 article in The Atlantic magazine.

The Powell Memorandum also precipitated an explosion in the growth of US think tanks.  Funded primarily by corporations and wealthy individuals, these “expert” organizations produce research studies and policy proposals generally supportive of corporate views on a variety of subjects.  By 2009, a study by the University of Pennsylvania identified nearly 400 think tanks in Washington, DC, but only about twenty percent of the think tanks in the US as a whole. 

Despite their role in influencing legislation and shaping political opinion, these organizations enjoy tax exempt status under the IRS code.  Donors to those claiming not to be an “action organization” (501c3) also receive tax deductions for their contributions.  While donors contributing to those openly engaged in lobbying and political activity (501c4) do not received tax deductions, their identity is sheltered. 

Inexplicably, individual citizens who contribute directly to political organizations and candidates receive no tax deduction and their identity is publicly recorded.  The result has been a decline in the role of political parties as arbiters of major governmental issues.

Changes wrought by the business sector in the media field have also had a negative impact on American democracy.  Removal of restrictions on ownership of broadcast and print media led to the elimination of the “fairness doctrine” for broadcast media and to an unhealthy consolidation of both broadcast and print media. Locally owned and controlled in the past, media outlets enjoyed a much highly level of public trust than today.

The Internet and the subsequent rise social media has filled the resulting void, but not always in a good way.

In the nearly fifty years since this selfish approach to governance was initiated income inequality in America has exploded, public and private debt have intensified, worker rights have been diminished and health care access has become problematic for many of the poor despite obvious medical advancements.  Granted the assumption has always been that various interests in American society would naturally prioritize their own concerns.  But for nearly a half century now corporate interests have sought and gained almost total dominance.

Business interests deserve respect and protection, but this kind of absolutism is helping to break down civility in America’s politic arena. Whether the issue is gerrymandering, judicial appointments, funding for education and health care, taxes or voting restrictions, the domination of corporate interests outweigh all other interests.  Relentless selfishness by any significant group within a country undermines the trust democracy requires and risks its existence as a viable republic.

Crafting An Effective Immigration Policy

Separating children from their parents at the US southern border by our country’s immigration service and border patrol has created an horrific backlash against the Trump administration.  The inflammatory rhetoric of both the president and his attorney general intensified the negative reaction to the point that the policy has been walked back temporarily, but the atmosphere for crafting a responsible immigration policy for America is not apparent.

The issues involved in enabling positive immigration are complex.  Both parties are at fault when comes to addressing those issues, but it is not helpful when one party’s leader accuses the other of being in favor of “open borders.”  Lying is not a useful negotiating tactic.

A major source of the respect and influence the US enjoys in the world is directly tied to our status as a place of refuge and opportunity.  As a nation of immigrants America can hardly justify raising impossible barriers to future aspirants, but neither can we fail to impose reasonable criteria for entry. 

The first step in developing an appropriate immigration policy must be determining our objectives.  Currently, there are a multiplicity of objectives being batted around, each championed by its own group of special interests.  Trying to shape an immigration policy serving our collective national interest is being lost in the melee.

From an economic standpoint, our country gains from a reasonable stream of new citizens capable of filling a variety of jobs. The US labor force participation rate, a key factor in economic growth, has been declining since 2000 in part because of baby boomers retiring and fertility rates dropping.  Since immigrant workers tend to be younger that their American-born counterparts, they could help address this problem, but only if they are brought in under circumstances that protect the job and financial security of our existing workforce.  

Dealing effectively with immigration is also critical to our nation’s political health.  The inflammatory rhetoric characterizing the issue is hardening the partisan divide and taking on bitter racial overtones.  This is foreboding since the population of the US will likely become more racially diverse regardless of our immigration policy. 

Race is not the only demographic issue that a sound immigration policy could help us address.  As mention earlier, part of the labor force participation rate problem is the aging of our current workforce.  However, it will not be enough to recruit only young immigrant workers. We also need to maintain some age balance in our labor force.

Finally, there are humanitarian considerations.  Our Declaration of Independence expresses a firm commitment to the sentiment that all people “are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights,...that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.”  And it also speaks to our “respect for the opinion of mankind.”  Ignoring the plight of refugees fleeing tyranny of any origin denies our heritage, and just as the US reacts negatively when other nations treat Americans without respect, other countries will judge us harshly if we discriminate against their citizens. 

Obviously, our present immigration system has not responding well to any of these objectives.  Instead, over the years a rag bag of reactive measures have amassed each designed to appease a specific interest group.

Work visa  programs originally approved for short term needs have become permanent threats to job security and wage growth for American-born workers as well as to the ambitions of US students who see visas used to fill jobs that otherwise might be available to them in the future.

These programs respond to the immediate profit concerns of business and agricultural interests, but do little to meet the long term requirements of a stable and growing US economy.

In addition, there are in the US 11 million undocumented immigrants who have slipped through the cracks in the current system and have been living and working in this country for many years.  Most of these people are not rapists or murderers, but in general are law-abiding citizens meaningfully employed and paying taxes.

Proposals to address the status of undocumented immigrants usually begin by assuming immigrants are all criminals.  Technically, this is correct, but as a matter of practical circumstance this is a bureaucratic obstruction that prevents any common sense solution to the problem.  For the most part these people are already integrated into our country economical and socially.  The only thing they lack is citizenship which would provide the political and security protections that all Americans deserve.

It is not ideal for American citizenship be acquired in a haphazard manner.  There should be clarity as to what criteria a potential immigrant should meet.  There should be programs to recruit future citizens who can meet important needs, and there should be programs that allow the US to respond to refugees.

To develop an appropriate immigration policy our country’s political leadership needs to have an informed debate about the various issues and to recognize that success will be determined in large part by our relationships with other nations.  Border walls and guest worker programs are poor initiatives in that regard.

Conducting US Foreign Policy

The terms, “diplomacy” and “negotiation” have been heavily used in recent weeks.  Although these terms can be used in a variety of settings, including business and even personal relationships, their application in the international context has relevance in the current discussion. Significant interests of the United States are at stake based on how these terms are understood by our national leaders.

Diplomacy is sometimes used interchangeably with foreign policy, but it is not the same.  Foreign policy generally is set by political leaders with advice from diplomats, military leaders and economic experts and includes goals as well as strategies and tactics for achievement.  Diplomacy is defined as the pursuit of a nation’s goals through representation, communication and negotiation.  It is the chief instrument of a nation’s foreign policy.  And while coercion may be in the background, a primary objective of diplomacy is to avoid the use of force or punitive measures.

It is also best conducted without great fanfare and publicity.

Negotiation may be defined as the process of discussing in order to reach an agreement.  If any party asserts there are preconditions required, other parties probably will refuse to participate except under duress.  Successful negotiation is also unlikely to be accomplished in too much public glare.   

Major differences exist between governance and politics in a single country and within the international arena.  Besides the likelihood that within a single country you find greater commonality in political beliefs and cultural heritage, you also likely will find a generally homogeneous population…the United States being an exception that confirms the rule. 

Perhaps the most significant difference is the absence in the international system of an overriding authority capable of resolving any question that might arise among the individual nations who consider themselves autonomous political units and act appropriately.  Despite extraordinary efforts to establish international organizations with the power to enforce decisions none exist today, and some that once showed promise have been diminished in their effectiveness.

Because of the nature of the international system understanding the concepts “diplomacy” and “negotiation” is of infinite importance.

Dealing with human beings makes the conduct of foreign policy difficult to plot and plan for; people are complex and their motives can be difficult to ascertain.  Donald Trump is not the first US president to assume understanding the leader of another country is easy.  Lyndon Johnson was perplexed when Ho Chi Minh did not rush to the negotiating table after he promised to replicate the Tennessee Valley Authority in the Mekong River Basin.  Colossal economic development welcomed by American politicians in the Appalachian South left Vietnam’s nationalist champion unmoved.

The foreign policy decisions of a nation’s leader will be based normally on the internal circumstances of that country.  Frequently, those circumstances may appear opaque or even counterintuitive.  Even experienced diplomats and scholars can be flummoxed.  In any case, it should be recognized that the most important policy objective of any state is its survival as an independent unit.  When considering the probable behavior of Kim Jong Un in regards to North Korea’s nuclear weapons, this fact should not be underestimated.

History is strewn with examples of national leaders who were certain they knew how to shape the international system to serve their country’s national interest.  Some have been motivated by the desire to extent their ideology or belief system, some have been driven by racial or ethnic animosity and some have been motivated by personal greed or raw ambition.

Those leaders who have been most successful in protecting their country’s national interest in the long run have recognized the wisdom of approaching the international community with respect and a willingness to accept the need to moderate their own country’s goals.  Woodrow Wilson, Franklin Roosevelt and Dwight Eisenhower are prime examples.

Managing power within the world order is a constant struggle.  Diplomatic representation, participation in international organizations, negotiating bilateral and multilateral agreements as well as formal treaties are all instruments nations use, but they only work when all participants accept the immediate goals in question.  It is natural that leaders of every country want their nation to prevail in most such interactions, but maintaining a viable international system cannot be a zero sum game.

History has proven that “winning” in the international arena is an ephemeral goal and it may open doors to greater losses down the road.  Attempting to gain leverage with another country through fear can prove to be a double edged sword.  It may result in the initial acceptance of a policy dictate, but inspire an ongoing effort to retaliate.  Using fear or hostile rhetoric in dealing with friendly nations or treaty allies is likely to be viewed as a betrayal and result in long term enmity.

Finally, it should be noted that the US Constitution envisions the Congress as a partner in the shaping of US foreign policy.  Since the end of the Vietnam War, however, the Congress has essentially neglected its oversight function.  This has embolden the executive to take unwise risks to our national detriment.

Giving Meaning to Memorial Day

The roots of Memorial Day reach back to the Civil War.  Official credit goes to General John A. Logan, leader of the Union veterans’ group, the Grand Army of the Republic.  Apparently inspired by several uncoordinated commemorative events during and immediately after war, in 1868 Logan called for a nationwide day of remembrance on May 30 each year.

“Decoration Day” was the original name Logan applied to the celebration, so designated since the intent was to strew flowers, or otherwise to “decorate” the graves of those who died in defense of their country during the “late rebellion.”  By 1890 virtually every state had a day of remembrance, although Southern states celebrated on a variety of different days.  “Memorial Day” did not become the more common name until after World War I, and it was not until 1967 that federal law officially recognized that appellation. 

Both NC and SC recognize the national holiday on the last Monday in May as well as Confederate Memorial Day on May 10, the day General Stonewall Jackson died. 

In 1968 the US Congress passed legislation that to some extent has undermined the purpose of several holidays, including Memorial Day. Under the Uniform Holidays Act, effective in 1971, only four holidays maintained their connection to a specific date:  New Year’s, Independence Day, Veterans’ Day and Christmas.  Most holidays now are celebrated on Mondays, facilitating three-day weekends that encourage tourism but sometimes blur the intent of the holiday. 

Memorial Day deserves to have retained its special status since it commemorates the ultimate sacrifice an individual can make for his or her country and fellow citizens. Perhaps a bit more solemn approach might encourage thoughtful consideration of how we view war and how our persistent conflicts around the world impact those who serve in our military.

Most of the dead we honor on Memorial Day died during a time when the military draft was in effect, but conscription ended in 1973 which means the majority of Americans living today never have had an obligation to serve in the armed forces.  The result is we sometimes appear to be rather cavalier about war since so few of us are affected directly.

Those who serve in our volunteer military today continue to discharge their duties and responsibilities with honor and patriotic commitment.  The value of their sacrifices is no less than that of earlier armed forces personnel, so they deserve our appreciation as well as our concern for how they are deployed.  Just because they are volunteers does not mean they should be utilized recklessly.  

If we wish to show proper respect for the men and women who have given their lives for this country and for those you continue to risk their lives in the service of the United States, we might start by insisting our politicians tone down the partisan divisiveness that frustrates the resolution of many significant issues related to our country’s international relations.  Political rhetoric that demonizes religious faiths or ethnic groups does not enhance the security of US armed forces attempting to stabilize already deeply divided countries or regions.  

Nor is it helpful to pursue policies and practices that demean and deny basic human rights to those with whom the United States may have quarrels.  Guantanamo should have been closed long ago.  If there are those who should be imprisoned, try them in US courts and sentence them in accordance with the law to serve in US prisons.

It would also be helpful if the commercialization of Memorial Day could be diminished.  Thanksgiving and Christmas have been hijacked.  Can we not preserve some space safe from greed?

Memorial Day is a time to reflect, not on the price of some trinket, but on the value of patriotism.

Patriotism is vital for a nation’s survival, but it is not merely a symbol.  Patriotism is a commitment to the ideals on which the country is based:  equal justice and equal opportunity.

Exploiting patriotism for commercial or political benefit should earn disapprobation.  Respect for the country is one thing.  Using your country for personal gain is something very different and potentially harmful.

Neither should patriotism be assumed.  It is an attitude and a virtue to be cultivated.

In the late 1960s when this country was torn asunder by the Vietnam War, I was a young political science instructor with highly opinionated students on both sides of the issue.  I did not attempt to dictate to either group, but instead set up debates where the two sides could share their views.  They did not always find common ground, but they did learn to respect their differences and avoided disruptions.  

If we could get back to that status in our current national debate, it would make for a better America and be a fitting memorial for those who have suffered to protect our freedoms.