Monday, July 23, 2018

Selfishness Is A Dangerous Vice


Selfishness has always been a prominent, albeit unattractive, human characteristic.

The French political theorist Alexander de Tocqueville, whose seminal 19th century work Democracy in America is still widely read, wrote extensively about selfishness:

“No vice of all the human heart is so acceptable to it as selfishnesss: a despot easily forgives his subjects for not loving him, provided they do not love each other.  He does not ask them to assist him in governing the state; it is enough that they do to aspire to govern it themselves.

In Tocqueville’s view, however, Americans had overcome the evil of selfishness through its free governmental institutions, especially at the local level where citizens came to recognize the necessity and benefits of working together.  One wonders what he might conclude in today’s atmosphere of hyper partisanship, for in the 21st century selfishness has expanded its reach and depth and threatens America’s democracy.

Synonymous with greed, one of the original seven deadly sins, selfishness is usually thought of in relation to concrete or tangible things such as money or property.  However, it is manifest in other realms as well, generally where access to wealth may be an enabling factor such as the desire for power and control in politics, economics and social status.  Racism and xenophobia, or disrespect for those who are poor and do not enjoy the privileges of class or profession are also manifestations of selfishness.  

The Powell Memorandum has been a major contributor to the ratcheting up of selfishness in American society.  Entitled “Attack on American Free Enterprise System,” the memorandum was drafted for the US Chamber of Commerce in August 1971, by Lewis J. Powell, at the time a Virginia corporate attorney.  Still accessible on the Internet, it was a call to arms for the nation’s business sector. 

Powell, who a few months later was nominated to the US Supreme Court by Richard Nixon, argued for strong and broad measures to counter the influence of virtually every other sector with an interest in the country’s economic life---unions, consumer groups, college campuses, pulpits, the media, intellectual and literary journals, the arts and sciences and politicians. His proposed counterattack was swift and sweeping.

By 1978, the number of corporations with public affairs offices in Washington had grown from 100 in 1968 to over 500.  Only 175 firms had registered lobbyists in Washington in 1971, but by 1982, nearly 2,500 did.  Today, there are approximately 12,000 “registered” lobbyists in Washington, DC.  Of the 100 organizations that spend the most on lobbying, 95 consistently represent business according to a 2015 article in The Atlantic magazine.

The Powell Memorandum also precipitated an explosion in the growth of US think tanks.  Funded primarily by corporations and wealthy individuals, these “expert” organizations produce research studies and policy proposals generally supportive of corporate views on a variety of subjects.  By 2009, a study by the University of Pennsylvania identified nearly 400 think tanks in Washington, DC, but only about twenty percent of the think tanks in the US as a whole. 

Despite their role in influencing legislation and shaping political opinion, these organizations enjoy tax exempt status under the IRS code.  Donors to those claiming not to be an “action organization” (501c3) also receive tax deductions for their contributions.  While donors contributing to those openly engaged in lobbying and political activity (501c4) do not received tax deductions, their identity is sheltered. 

Inexplicably, individual citizens who contribute directly to political organizations and candidates receive no tax deduction and their identity is publicly recorded.  The result has been a decline in the role of political parties as arbiters of major governmental issues.

Changes wrought by the business sector in the media field have also had a negative impact on American democracy.  Removal of restrictions on ownership of broadcast and print media led to the elimination of the “fairness doctrine” for broadcast media and to an unhealthy consolidation of both broadcast and print media. Locally owned and controlled in the past, media outlets enjoyed a much highly level of public trust than today.

The Internet and the subsequent rise social media has filled the resulting void, but not always in a good way.

In the nearly fifty years since this selfish approach to governance was initiated income inequality in America has exploded, public and private debt have intensified, worker rights have been diminished and health care access has become problematic for many of the poor despite obvious medical advancements.  Granted the assumption has always been that various interests in American society would naturally prioritize their own concerns.  But for nearly a half century now corporate interests have sought and gained almost total dominance.

Business interests deserve respect and protection, but this kind of absolutism is helping to break down civility in America’s politic arena. Whether the issue is gerrymandering, judicial appointments, funding for education and health care, taxes or voting restrictions, the domination of corporate interests outweigh all other interests.  Relentless selfishness by any significant group within a country undermines the trust democracy requires and risks its existence as a viable republic.