Selfishness has
always been a prominent, albeit unattractive, human characteristic.
The French political
theorist Alexander de Tocqueville, whose seminal 19th century work Democracy in America is still widely
read, wrote extensively about selfishness:
“No vice of all the human heart is so acceptable to it as selfishnesss:
a despot easily forgives his subjects for not loving him, provided they do not
love each other. He does not ask them to
assist him in governing the state; it is enough that they do to aspire to
govern it themselves.
In Tocqueville’s view,
however, Americans had overcome the evil of selfishness through its free
governmental institutions, especially at the local level where citizens came to
recognize the necessity and benefits of working together. One wonders what he might conclude in today’s
atmosphere of hyper partisanship, for in the 21st century selfishness
has expanded its reach and depth and threatens America’s democracy.
Synonymous with
greed, one of the original seven deadly sins, selfishness is usually thought of
in relation to concrete or tangible things such as money or property. However, it is manifest in other realms as
well, generally where access to wealth may be an enabling factor such as the desire
for power and control in politics, economics and social status. Racism and xenophobia, or disrespect for
those who are poor and do not enjoy the privileges of class or profession are
also manifestations of selfishness.
The Powell Memorandum has been a major contributor
to the ratcheting up of selfishness in American society. Entitled “Attack on American Free Enterprise
System,” the memorandum was drafted for the US Chamber of Commerce in August
1971, by Lewis J. Powell, at the time a Virginia corporate attorney. Still accessible on the Internet, it was a
call to arms for the nation’s business sector.
Powell, who a few
months later was nominated to the US Supreme Court by Richard Nixon, argued for
strong and broad measures to counter the influence of virtually every other
sector with an interest in the country’s economic life---unions, consumer
groups, college campuses, pulpits, the media, intellectual and literary
journals, the arts and sciences and politicians. His proposed counterattack was
swift and sweeping.
By 1978, the number
of corporations with public affairs offices in Washington had grown from 100 in
1968 to over 500. Only 175 firms had
registered lobbyists in Washington in 1971, but by 1982, nearly 2,500 did. Today, there are approximately 12,000
“registered” lobbyists in Washington, DC.
Of the 100 organizations that spend the most on lobbying, 95
consistently represent business according to a 2015 article in The Atlantic
magazine.
The Powell Memorandum
also precipitated an explosion in the growth of US think tanks. Funded primarily by corporations and wealthy
individuals, these “expert” organizations produce
research studies and policy proposals generally supportive of corporate views
on a variety of subjects. By 2009, a
study by the University of Pennsylvania identified nearly 400 think tanks in
Washington, DC, but only about twenty percent of the think tanks in the US as a
whole.
Despite their role in
influencing legislation and shaping political opinion, these organizations
enjoy tax exempt status under the IRS code.
Donors to those claiming not to be an “action organization” (501c3) also
receive tax deductions for their contributions.
While donors contributing to those openly engaged in lobbying and
political activity (501c4) do not received tax deductions, their identity is
sheltered.
Inexplicably, individual
citizens who contribute directly to political organizations and candidates
receive no tax deduction and their identity is publicly recorded. The result has been a decline in the role of political
parties as arbiters of major governmental issues.
Changes wrought by
the business sector in the media field have also had a negative impact on
American democracy. Removal of
restrictions on ownership of broadcast and print media led to the elimination
of the “fairness doctrine” for broadcast media and to an unhealthy
consolidation of both broadcast and print media. Locally owned and controlled
in the past, media outlets enjoyed a much highly level of public trust than
today.
The Internet and the subsequent
rise social media has filled the resulting void, but not always in a good way.
In the nearly fifty
years since this selfish approach to governance was initiated income inequality
in America has exploded, public and private debt have intensified, worker
rights have been diminished and health care access has become problematic for
many of the poor despite obvious medical advancements. Granted the assumption has always been that
various interests in American society would naturally prioritize their own
concerns. But for nearly a half century
now corporate interests have sought and gained almost total dominance.
Business interests
deserve respect and protection, but this kind of absolutism is helping to break
down civility in America’s politic arena. Whether the issue is gerrymandering,
judicial appointments, funding for education and health care, taxes or voting
restrictions, the domination of corporate interests outweigh all other
interests. Relentless selfishness by any
significant group within a country undermines the trust democracy requires and
risks its existence as a viable republic.
